Consultations open on Equality Bill codes of practice
The Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) has begun its consultation process on proposed codes of practice relating to new planned equality legislation.
The Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) has begun its consultation process on proposed codes of practice relating to new planned equality legislation.
The 7th round of ACTA negotiations will conclude around lunch time today in Mexico. If past meetings are any indication, a few hours later the participating countries will issue a bland statement thanking the host Mexican government, discussing the progress on civil enforcement, border measures, and the Internet as well as noting the transparency discussions and the continued desire to address the issue. The release will then conclude by looking forward to the next meeting in Wellington, New Zealand in April.
As this five part series (Part One on substance, Part Two on leaks, Part Three on transparency, and Part Four on local implementations) demonstrates, however, there are ongoing concerns with both the process and substance of ACTA. From a process perspective, the negotiations remain far more secretive than other international agreements. From a substantive viewpoint, ACTA could result in dramatic reforms in many participating countries. Countering the momentum behind ACTA will require many to speak out.
This admittedly feels like a daunting task given the powerful interests that are committed to seeing ACTA through. That said, many have begun to speak out. This last post starts with links to a sampling of the politicians and groups that have already made ACTA one of their issues:
Elected Officials
Public Interest Group Letters
So what can the general public do? One thing is to learn more and work together with groups already active on ACTA. These include:
Every individual concerned with ACTA can also speak out. Write to your local MP or national leader or participate in the specific activities sponsored by some of the organizations listed above. These include the EFF ACTA Action Alert, the effort to encourage UK MPs to support the cross-party motion for ACTA transparency, and the signing of the A2K ACTA Petition.
Today is day three of the seventh round of ACTA negotiations, currently taking place in Guadalajara, Mexico.
La Quadrature Du Net is a French advocacy group formed to promote digital rights and online freedom. Its name comes by analogy between the unsolvable mathematical problem of “squaring the circle”, and similarly impossible attempts to “effectively control the flow of information in the digital age by the law and the technology without harming public freedoms, and damaging economic and social development”. In our ongoing series of perspectives on ACTA from around the globe, today Jérémie Zimmermann and Félix Tréguer of La Quadrature du Net describe how the trade agreement undermines democratic challenges to IP policies in France and beyond.
ACTA: An agreement between lobbyists who hate democracy
For the past fifteen years, with the advent of the networked society, we have seen a growing confrontation between rightsholders, whose business-models rely on the control of culture, and ordinary citizens. Recently, a new battle has emerged, as a growing number of policy-making arenas consider implementing “three-strikes” schemes and Net filtering practices to deter filesharing.
In these important debates, citizens and public-interest groups have scored a few successes, convincing lawmakers that such proposals are at their core irreconciliable with fundamental rights and freedoms. Our own victories include amendment 138 in the Telecoms Package by the European Parliament &mdash which provided that no restriction on users’ access to the Internet could be imposed without a judicial decision —, and the groundbreaking first decision of the French Constitutional Council on HADOPI, stating that the French Declaration of the Rights of Man implied the “freedom to access [public online communication] services”. 1.
However, in the face of such opposition in traditional democratic forums, rightstholder lobbyists 2 have pushed for a global agreement that would establish extremist IP enforcement standards to all signatory countries.
As a result of this effort, ACTA is being negotiated outside of the traditional and relatively transparent IPR policy-making arenas, such as the WTO or WIPO. As made clear by a leaked summary of the draft Internet chapter of ACTA written by the Commission, this multilateral agreement could impose three-strikes schemes and Internet filtering practices:
To benefit from safe-harbours, ISPs need to put in
place policies to deter unauthorised storage and transmission of IP infringing
content (ex: clauses in customers’ contracts allowing, inter alia, a graduated
response).
This policy laundering endeavor on the part of the EU, the US and their home-grown IPR lobbies needs to be strongly opposed. Since the adoption of the TRIPS agreement in 1994, other countries have been compelled to implement increasingly harsher IP regimes. Bit by bit, the already shaky balance found in TRIPS between rightsholders and users of informational goods is neutralized at the expense of the latter.
The EU and the US have put an increasing pressure on countries such as Canada or Brazil – who understand the value of flexible copyright and patent laws for fostering free speech and democracy, social justice and development3. Through bilateral and multilateral agreements, international trade law is aligning with the most maximalist IP regimes that benefit only a few corporations located in the richest countries4. Even worse is the fact that such trade agreements are debated out of way of public scrutiny (although they significantly impact domestic law and go way beyond tariff regulations). Through undemocratic means, the development of an inclusive knowledge society is undermined.
But with copyright and patent law, more is not always better5 – especially for developing countries. This trend must be stopped. The ongoing negotiations on ACTA must be made transparent. Once these extremist IP enforcement measures are debated democratically, it will become clear that they do not rest on a principled basis and that they do not foster socio-economic progress. It is up to citizens and public-interest groups all around the world to act so that this fundamental debate can occur.
Heads up GikII people; GikII 5 *will* be in Edinburgh June 28-29 2010. We have FINALLY managed to book a room!! More details soon. Already one paper offered on Gallifreyan legal procedure :-)
“We stand for a single internet where all of humanity has equal access to knowledge and ideas. And we recognize that the world’s information infrastructure will become what we and others make of it. ”
These two sentences, from Secretary of State Clinton’s groundbreaking speech on Internet freedom, sum up beautifully the challenge facing our Internet policy. An open Internet can advance our values and support our interests; but we will only get there if we make some difficult choices now.
One of these choices relates to anonymity. Will it be easy to speak anonymously on the Internet, or not? This was the subject of the first question in the post-speech Q&A:
QUESTION: You talked about anonymity on line and how we have to prevent that. But you also talk about censorship by governments. And I’m struck by – having a veil of anonymity in certain situations is actually quite beneficial. So are you looking to strike a balance between that and this emphasis on censorship?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Absolutely. I mean, this is one of the challenges we face. On the one hand, anonymity protects the exploitation of children. And on the other hand, anonymity protects the free expression of opposition to repressive governments. Anonymity allows the theft of intellectual property, but anonymity also permits people to come together in settings that gives them some basis for free expression without identifying themselves.
None of this will be easy. I think that’s a fair statement. I think, as I said, we all have varying needs and rights and responsibilities. But I think these overriding principles should be our guiding light. We should err on the side of openness and do everything possible to create that, recognizing, as with any rule or any statement of principle, there are going to be exceptions.
So how we go after this, I think, is now what we’re requesting many of you who are experts in this area to lend your help to us in doing. We need the guidance of technology experts. In my experience, most of them are younger than 40, but not all are younger than 40. And we need the companies that do this, and we need the dissident voices who have actually lived on the front lines so that we can try to work through the best way to make that balance you referred to.
Secretary Clinton’s answer is trying to balance competing interests, which is what good politicians do. If we want A, and we want B, and A is in tension with B, can we have some A and some B together? Is there some way to give up a little A in exchange for a lot of B? That’s a useful way to start the discussion.
But sometimes you have to choose — sometimes A and B are profoundly incompatible. That seems to be the case here. Consider the position of a repressive government that wants to spy on a citizen’s political speech, as compared to the position of the U.S. government when it wants to eavesdrop on a suspect’s conversations under a valid search warrant. The two positions are very different morally, but they are pretty much the same technologically. Which means that either both governments can eavesdrop, or neither can. We have to choose.
Secretary Clinton saw this tension, and, being a lawyer, she saw that law could not resolve it. So she expressed the hope that technology, the aspect she understood least, would offer a solution. This is a common pattern: Given a difficult technology policy problem, lawyers will tend to seek technology solutions and technologists will tend to seek legal solutions. (Paul Ohm calls this “Felten’s Third Law”.) It’s easy to reject non-solutions in your own area because you have the knowledge to recognize why they will fail; but there must be a solution lurking somewhere in the unexplored wilderness of the other area.
If we’re forced to choose — and we will be — what kind of Internet will we have? In Secretary Clinton’s words, “the world’s information infrastructure will become what we and others make of it.” We’ll have a free Internet, if we can keep it.
In yesterday’s State of the Union address, President Obama made an important commitment to openness and transparency in government:
It’s time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress.
This is welcome news. For the past few years, EFF has been litigating a Freedom of Information Act case against the government, seeking the identities of lobbyists who contacted the Department of Justice and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence on behalf of their telecommunications company clients in order to push for telecom immunity. With the help of lobbyists from AT&T, Verizon, and Sprint, the FISA Amendments Act passed with an unconstitutional provision to retroactively grant immunity to the telecoms for collaborating with the warrantless wiretapping program.
So far, the Obama Administration has been fighting hard to stop the release of the names of these representatives, appealing a court order that required disclosure. Just last month, the Obama Administration argued to the appeals court that “there is no public interest in the compelled disclosure of the representatives’ identities.” To the contrary, the Administration argued, lobbyists had a “significant privacy interest in being able to communicate confidentially with the government.”
While it’s great to see Obama reverse his position in the State of the Union and acknowledge the strong public interest in disclosure of lobbying records, the Administration must do more than give speeches in order to fulfill its commitment to transparency. Instead, Obama must apply this policy to pending litigation, and release the identities of telecommunications representatives who lobbied for immunity for the their telecommunications carrier clients.
“3 Strikes” is a regime being introduced in various countries around the world to try to deal with illicit file-sharing. Already Taiwan, South Korea and France are putting their versions of the plan into action and other countries have similar proposals under discussion. In one form or another, could the same be coming to the United States?
It’s been a long time since a printed newspaper delivered to your doorstep or purchased on your way to work was the only way to get your daily dose of news. Now you can access those news publications on a laptop, smartphone, e-book reader, or—soon—on Apple’s tablet. In addition to an ever-expanding array of formats through which to read the same content, online publishing has enabled a whole range of new journalistic ventures from hyperlocal guides of stops along a light rail route to blogs focused on local government and politics. Even The New York Times has been making use of Twitter feeds and frequently updating blog posts in its coverage of the earthquake crisis in Haiti. Journalism is no longer only about storytelling; it can include a whole host of ways to inform the public.
Thus, it is strange that a deputy commissioner of the New York City Police Department was quoted saying, “[w]e provide public information, not data flow for entrepreneurs,” in explaining why the NYPD does not release a regularly updated data feed for software developers. That attitude may not prevail for long, as the federal government and various state and local governments are recognizing the value of independently developed apps using public data, and are making data available specifically for this purpose.
On December 8, 2009, the White House directed every federal agency to publish before the end of this month at least three collections of “high-value” government data on the Internet that had never been previously disclosed, with the objectives of “increas[ing] accountability, promot[ing] informed participation by the public, and creat[ing] economic opportunity.” On Data.gov, the public can see a list of the participating agencies and access the catalog of available datasets online. In Massachusetts, the Open Data Initiative is in its pilot period after launching in December 2009, and data from the Massachusetts Department of Transportation are available online. This has already resulted in an iPhone app using real-time bus location information that predicts when the next bus will arrive for users of the application. Similar efforts to make data available are underway in Washington, D.C., San Francisco, and New York City.
Even New York City, home to the deputy commissioner quoted above, has sponsored a software application development contest using its publicly available data, with winners to be announced next week. The gallery of applications in New York, San Francisco, and Washington D.C. include many that put city data to work making residents’ lives easier: from mapping parking meter outages to public library catalog availability, to finding the closest parks and recreational facilities. At a minimum, those applications may be sleek presentations of public information that encourage utilization of community resources and reinforce communities. But those and other applications have the potential to transform government data into tangible, accessible reporting that start to look like, and serve the same functions as, conventional journalism. For instance, there are interactive maps and reports on restaurant inspection results, maps of districts and precincts that summarize demographic characteristics, local public school profiles and comparison tables, self-updating maps showing aggregated crime data, as well as maps of historical election results by voting district.
In this context, journalism will be an evolving process of gathering and translating information, not just providing a narrative through storytelling, with the goal of informing the public. The title of “journalist” may apply equally to the geek at a computer crunching datasets as to the beat reporter. The public benefits of such endeavors are the same as that of traditional journalism: informing residents and voters about their neighborhoods, communities, and government while increasing government transparency and accountability. But even better, such journalism may be cheaper, decreasing the cost of investigative journalism.
Still, making data available is not the same as making data available without conditions. In making data available, governments have had to address legal issues. For example, Massachusetts will likely adopt what it calls the “6 no’s” which will apply to government-provided data: (1) no warranty or liability in providing the data; (2) no endorsement by the government, (3) no illegal use of the data; (4) no use of the system to damage hardware, software, or files; (5) no indemnification; and (6) no duty to continue or continue for free the provision of such data.
Developers using the data will do well to keep those terms in mind because these terms—and other, similar terms—present an array of legal issues:
In the coming weeks, we’ll cover these and other legal topics specific to the challenge of using government data in software applications. And, by the way, if you’re a software developer using government data and have specific legal questions, our Online Media Legal Network can help connect you with a lawyer who’s savvy on FOIA, copyright law, and other areas of the law that could impact your project.
Photo "Newsboy. Little Fattie" courtesy of Wikipedia Commons. Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs
Division, National Child Labor Committee Collection.
In 2009 South Korea introduced new legislation against online copyright infringement. Penalties were particularly harsh and included disconnection from the Internet. As digital sales skyrocket by more than 50% but logged infringements sharply increase, a report controversially places South Koreans as the world’s number 2 music pirates.
IT companies will not have to conduct a total overhaul of their sales processes in the aftermath of a long-awaited court ruling this week, a technology law expert has said. The ruling focused on the dishonesty of one employee, not a whole company.